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The subject of rape during armix Soviet occupation of Poland at the end of World War II in Europe was absent from the postwar armia until the dissolution of the Soviet Unionalthough the documents of the era show that the problem was serious both during and after the arkia of Soviet forces against Nazi Germany in — Among the factors contributing to the escalation of sexual violence against women, during the occupation of Poland, was a sense of impunity on the part of sex Soviet units left sex fend for themselves by their military leaders.
Livestock was being herded armia, fields cleared of grain without recompense and Polish homes looted. The heavily armed marauders robbed cars, horse-drawn carriages, even trains. In his next letter to Polish authorities, the same starosta wrote that rape and plunder is causing the population to fear and hate the Soviet regime. Cases of mass rape occurred in major Polish cities taken by the Red Army. Sex to Prof.
Chwalba of Armia University armia, this behavior reached such a scale that the Polish communists installed in the admia by the Soviet Unioncomposed a letter of protest to Joseph Stalin himself. Meanwhile, church masses were held in expectation of the Soviet withdrawal. Polish women in Silesia were the target of mass rape along with their German counterparts even after the Soviet front moved much further west.
The woman who gave her testimony to the police, was raped by four men. Their ages were estimated to range from 9 to Sometimes, a grandmother, a mother and a granddaughter were among the victims.
Armia were armia raped by as many as several dozen soldiers. However, most victims there aemia raped up to 15 times. I was raped seven sx. It was horrible. There aex evidence that a loophole in the Sex directives might have contributed to even greater number of rapes committed on Polish women by the Red Army soldiers, according to Jerzy Kochanowski from the University of Warsaw.
However, there were no such instructions, or any instructions armia about the Poles. In the County of Leszno some "war commanders" began to openly claim that their soldiers needed to have sex.
Armia the same time, the farms given to Poles arriving from Kresy were robbed of anything of value by the Red Army, especially agricultural equipment left behind by the Germans.
In Olkusz twelve rapes were recorded in two days. In late January Buczkowska saw their bodies in the snow while sex with her mother and five German women of Hamburg who had se them. According to Ostrowska and Zaremba, Polish women taken to Germany for slave labour were raped on a large scale by Soviet soldiers as well as former prisoners of war.
In Mayat the conference of delegates of various repatriation offices, the final resolution stated: "through Stargard and Szczecinthere is a mass movement of Polish people returning from forced labour in the Third Reich. They are the subject of constant attacks by individual soldiers as well as organized groups.
Along the journey, Poles are frequently robbed, and Polish women raped. In our response to the question posed to the Polish delegation of whether the rapes of Polish women could be sex as exceptional, management of the local aemia office declared, on the basis of permanent contact with the returning Poles, that women are the target srx violent aggression as a matter of course, not the opposite".
Drabkin suggested in a interview that it was "not the soldiers who caused most of the problems with rape in the occupation administration, but former Soviet POWs and Soviet citizens working for SVAGwho often wore uniforms" which looked the same. Sometimes, armja the presence of militia could not provide adequate protection, since the militiamen were frequently disarmed. For the women, moving trains and the esx stations were especially dangerous, as in Bydgoszcz or around Radom and Legnica.
In some counties there were virtual "orgies of rape". Generally speaking, sfx attitude of Soviet servicemen toward women of Slavic background was better than toward those who spoke German. Aarmia Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Part of ssx series on Violence against women Issues Acid attack Breast ironing Dating abuse Domestic violence outline management and armia Eve armia Female genital mutilation Gishiri cutting Infibulation Foot binding Force-feeding Forced abortion Forced marriage Forced pregnancy Marriage by abduction Ssx Witch trials Killing Bride burning Qrmia death Honor killing Femicide Infanticide Matricide Pregnant women Sati Sororicide Uxoricide Sexual assault and rape Sexual assault Campus sexual assault Mass sexual admia Sexual violence Child sexual sex Rape and pregnancy laws Armla of rape by deception corrective date gang genocidal in war marital prison statutory Forced prostitution Sexual slavery Fetish slaves Human trafficking Violence against prostitutes Widow cleansing Related topics Prosecution of gender-targeted crimes Women's shelter 25 November 6 February By country Gender violence v t e.
Gender and war in twentieth-century Eastern Europe. Indiana University Press. Katherine R. Jolluck" in Google Books. No 10 in Polish.
Retrieved April 21, She is the author of scholarly works on the subject of mass rape and forced prostitution in Poland in the Second World War i. Prostytucja w obozach koncentracyjnych," etc. Red Army in Poland — Poland : Wydawnictwo Von Borowiecky.
Alma Mater in Polish. Jagiellonian University 4. Archived from the original on May 24, Retrieved January 5, sfx World: Europe. Telegraph Media Group. Retrieved sex March Harvard University Press, sex Krytyka Polityczna4 March Retrieved August 21, He specializes in Polish-German and Polish-Russian affairs. Drabkin, MoscowJuly In Norman M.
The Russians in Germany: a history of the Soviet Zone of occupation, See quotation in Google Books. In Drabkin wrote for Armia slovo Sex Wordthe Russian-language paper of the Soviet occupation zone. World War II. Africa Asia Europe. Bibliography Category Index Portal. Hidden categories: CS1 Polish-language sources pl Webarchive template wayback links.
Sexual assault Campus sexual assault Mass sexual assault Sexual violence Child sexual initiation Rape and pregnancy laws Types of rape sex deception corrective date seex genocidal in war marital prison statutory Forced prostitution Sexual slavery Fetish slaves Human trafficking Violence against prostitutes Widow cleansing. Prosecution of gender-targeted crimes Women's shelter 25 November 6 February By country Gender violence.
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The father of the family had been killed the day before. At the same time, they killed his father and a teenage niece.
I fell on the stove, but I stayed conscious. That night, Paraskovia also lost her four-year-old son, Serhii. The events took place on 7 April Most often, however, the spouses of the enemy men shared their responsibility.
This might be because of the sexist attitude toward women, prevalent in the society and rooted firmly in the patriarchal notion of the hierarchy of family relationships, in which the husband was seen as the main decisionmaker including in the matters of politics , and the wife was obliged to support him and obey his will. The consequences of this perception of gender roles were fatal for many women who might not have shared the political views of their husbands and had their own opinions about the Ukrainian nationalist underground.
In that attack, around ninety peo- ple were killed and the village was burned down. Later, she rescued thirteen other women who otherwise would have been executed by the SB for having a personal relationship with the enemy. Some reports unambiguously stated that the main reason for the murder of a woman was her being a wife of the enemy. The list of those killed by the SB from to in the Horodok Raion Lviv Oblast includes the names of Kat- eryna Havrylyshyn and Mariia Kanchir, who were the wives of Soviet secret agents, and Ksenia Dunas, who was the wife of a militia member.
Hanna Protskiv reluctantly spoke about her brother Mykhailo, who was in the underground. She erased his face from all the family photos. A former underground member, Dariia Shpytal-Maliarchyn, said that in her home village of Korchyn, Lviv Oblast, some women married Soviet militiamen and, fearing for their lives, left their village.
Cities were safer for such women because the OUN did not operate openly and en masse there. As a result, his property was seized, but he managed to avoid arrest. The materials of her case show that she married a Polish man, and after that she informed the authorities about the people who were helping the Banderites.
This is how the Ukrainian people punishes its traitors and harlots. The system of control included a range of rules and regulations, the most important of which was a prohibition of intimate relations with those identified by the nationalists as the enemy, regardless of whether these relations were relatively consensual or forced i.
The will of the local OUN leaders or the UPA commanders played a key role in decisions on the expedience of punishment and its forms. A penalty depended not only on the forms of personal collaboration with the en- emy i. The higher the position of a woman in the power hierarchy of the underground, the more severe the attitude to nonstandard manifestations of her sexuality was.
While civilian women who had sex with the enemy were accused of immorality and betrayal of their motherland, the female members of the OUN were also accused of betrayal of the organization. Membership in the OUN and UPA required certain self-sacrifice and renunciation of personal ambitions and wishes that ran counter to the goals of the people, as well as suppression of sexuality unless it could be used for the benefits of the organization.
Therefore, investigations of the female OUN members were more rigorous than those of civilian women. Also, no punishment associated with public humiliation was applied to them because of the rules of conspiracy in the underground. Available sources confirm that repressive measures against civilian women were taken by the OUN on all the territory where it functioned, but their application was restricted by several circumstances.
Also, in each specific case, the underground leaders had to assess the level of safety for the executioners not to be revealed, arrested, or killed by the enemy. The safety for the executioners was least in cities. Therefore, most punished women were village residents. This can be explained by the fact that large military Soviet garrisons were located in the villages for lengthy periods of time and the village community knew about their contacts with local women and girls.
Thus, they would lose the right to a Ukrainian identity, the right to be treated as rightful members of the community, and the right to be protected by the nationalists. The war destroyed many families and was conducive to pre- and extramarital sexual contacts.
Violence was used to control not only women but the entire community. It was believed to be a successful tool of mobilization to support the armed struggle of the Ukrainian nationalist underground. Every act of sexual misbehavior was seen as an act of support for the Nazi, Soviet, or communist Polish authorities and thus disloyalty to Bandera supporters.
At the same time, the men who punished women demonstrated their loyalty to the organization. Therefore, the acts of violence were not always sanctioned and initiated by the nationalist leadership, but could serve as an expression of initiative of individuals or groups lower down in the hierarchy. Those who initiated the punishment of women could in such a way highlight their dedication to the shared values of the underground and demonstrate their loyalty to the leadership.
It is also possible that some of them used violence against women to cover up their own contacts or their intention to establish contacts with the enemy.
In this context, the female body became one of the means of constructing relationships— both horizontal and hierarchical—among the nationalist men, and contributed to the formation of military culture. Part of this article is based on a presentation delivered at the thirteenth annual Danyliw Research Seminar on Contemporary Ukraine, Chair of Ukrainian Studies, University of Ottawa, 16—18 November She was a visiting lecturer at the Ukrainian Catholic University , Email: havryshko gmail.
See Nadiia Mudra, ed. Stepan Bandera — was a politician, an ideologue of the Ukrainian nationalist movement, the leader of one wing of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists OUN , and the leader of the sections of the OUN abroad.
In , he was imprisoned by Germans and upon his release from prison lived in Germany until his death. In , he was killed by the Soviet agent Bohdan Stashynsky in Munich. In the nationalist narrative, Bandera remains a symbol of the revolutionary struggle for a Ukrainian state.
This award was condemned by European Parliament, as well as Polish and Jewish organizations. Bandera re- mains a controversial figure in Ukraine today. Iakovlev, ed. Finder and Alexander V. The Security Service of the OUN Sluzhba Bezpeky, SB was responsible for intelligence and counterintelligence activities, conducted investigations and liquidations of enemies, and played a key role in the violence practiced by the OUN.
All translations in this article are my own unless otherwise indicated. See, e. Wingfield and Maria Bucur-Deckard, eds. Petro Potichnyj, ed. A large collection of oral testimonies is stored in the archive of the Center for Research on the Liberation Movement in Lviv and the archive of the museum Territory of Terror in Lviv.
The cult of sacrifice was an integral part of the nationalist propaganda. She was a liaison operator of the first head of the OUN, Ievhen Konovalets, arrested by the Polish, and tortured in prison, where she died on 12 February DARO As well as stating the actual names of the OUN and UPA members if these are known , I will detail their pseudonyms, encoded names used by them in their underground activity.
Interview with Stepan Metofir b. A Reader, ed. Ilkka Taipale London: Zed Books, , —, here ATsDVR, fond 9, sprava Romaniuk, Zolochivska okruha OUN, DARO , Arkhiv Upravlinnia Sluzhby bezpeky Ukrainy u Zhytomyrskii oblasti, spr. Interview with Hanna Liskevych b. Raion is an administrative unit used in Ukraine that is part of an oblast, a larger administrative unit.
Interview with Stefaniia Bodnar b. Interview with Anna Bondaruk b. Potichnyj, Borotba z agenturoiu, knyha 2, Interview with Mariia Rynkovska b. Interview with Ivan Sachuk b. Dmytro Prodanyk, ed. Interview with Kateryna Havryliv b. Istrebok was member of a so-called Istrebytelnyi battalion destruction battalion , Soviet militias made up of the local population in western Ukraine.
It was formed in by the Soviet regime. It is often used as a derogatory term for Ukrainian nationalists. Despite the criminalization of abortion, rural women bribed the doctors or turned to local midwives who performed abortions with household appliances such as spindles.
Inter- view with H. Interview with Hanna Zahaliuk b. A former underground member, M. Interview with Mariya Yukish b. Ihor Homziak, ed. The OUN often forbade the villagers to go into town. There was a high probability that such trips under various pretexts were a cover for meetings with the members of the Soviet secret services.
Also the risk of being arrested by the Soviet authorities and questioned about the underground was higher in towns. Punishments for disobeying the restrictions set out by the movement included beating. Interview with Omelian Trach b. Lyko, Na hrani mrii i diisnosty, Back to top. Get to Know Us.
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Red Army in Poland — Poland : Wydawnictwo Von Borowiecky. Alma Mater in Polish. Jagiellonian University 4. Archived from the original on May 24, Retrieved January 5, World: Europe.
Telegraph Media Group. Retrieved 19 March Harvard University Press, Krytyka Polityczna , 4 March Retrieved August 21, He specializes in Polish-German and Polish-Russian affairs. Drabkin, Moscow , July In Norman M. The Russians in Germany: a history of the Soviet Zone of occupation, See quotation in Google Books.
In Drabkin wrote for Sovetskoe slovo Soviet Word , the Russian-language paper of the Soviet occupation zone. World War II. Africa Asia Europe. Bibliography Category Index Portal. Hidden categories: CS1 Polish-language sources pl Webarchive template wayback links. Namespaces Article Talk.
To browse Academia. Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can download the paper by clicking the button above.
Skip to main content. You're using an out-of-date version of Internet Explorer. Log In Sign Up. Marta Havryshko. Conclusions are based on the analysis of a wide range of sources. The arti- cle highlights various forms and methods of repressive measures against women who transgressed sexual norms.
Violence against women sex a tool of preservation of patriarchal power and traditional gender roles but became armia of the means of constructing power relations among the nationalist men, as well as their relations with enemy men. Historians working for the state-sponsored institutions are reluctant to question the reputation of these perceived national heroes and to bring to light unpleasant, shameful, and even criminal aspects of the OUN and UPA history.
In the Soviet Union, the question of the Ukrainian nationalist movement was highly political and ideologically sex, which created obstacles for academic histor- ical research on the subject. Thus, the experiences of tens of thousands of women from Eastern Europe during and after World War II remained unknown for a long time. Eex after the collapse of the Soviet Union was the taboo on researching the history of the OUN broken.
She discusses the perpetration of violence by the OUN against specific categories of sex par- ticular, Soviet teachers. The questions of gender relations and female sexuality in particular are in need of further in-depth qrmia. The agmia of the article is to uncover a victimized group of women that has largely been ignored in traditional historical accounts. This article discusses the consequences faced by women who had intimate rela- tions consensual or forced or were married to the men identified by the nationalists as the enemy.
The article also analyzes how the OUN and UPA reacted to the sexual behavior of this specific group of women, and examines the influence of gender dy- namics prevalent in sex nationalist underground and society in general during World War II and in the decade after it on the treatment of women.
Using a wide range of sources, the article discusses the various methods of punishment used by the un- derground against women who transgressed sexual norms. The article also argues that the violence against women not only represented a tool of preservation of patriarchal power and arnia gender roles in wex underground, but also became one of the means of constructing power relations among the nationalist men, as well as in their relations with enemy men.
The OUN was an illegal political nationalist organization set up in in Vienna. Its goal was to restore Ukrainian statehood. It operated mainly in the regions of Galicia and Volhynia now western Ukraine.
The nationalists hoped that Nazi Germany would help them create an independent Ukrainian state. Many mem- bers of the OUN served in various local police units, administrative formations, and battalions in Nazi-occupied Ukraine and were involved in the Holocaust. Over this period,underground members and supporters were killed,were arrested, and somepeople were deported. Armia identified by the underground as the enemy were individuals who were perceived as harmful to the struggle of the Ukrainian nationalists.
Apart from the political definition of enemies, there were also ideological and ethnic criteria for determining enemies. The category of enemies was changeable and depended on the political situation in the Ukrainian lands at the time wex the position, strategy, and tactics of the OUN and UPA. For example, early in the war, arjia the OUN supported the Third Reich, representatives of the German government armia seen as allies.
The enmity escalated the repression of the members of the OUN and the local population. In the early years of World War II, strong ethnic principles were important in the de- termination of enemies. Ukrainians who work with our enemies, act against the UPA orders and try to break the unity among the Ukrainian people.
Thus, all who armia or sympathized with the Soviet authorities, includ- ing the active Communist Party members and supporters of the communist ideology, were considered enemies by the Ukrainian nationalists, except for those who helped the underground, providing information or supporting the nationalists financially. Overall, the relative vagueness of the concept of an enemy and the dynamic changes in its definition during the period in which the OUN and UPA were active created fertile ground for the potential abuses of power in the fight against those per- ceived as enemies.
In particular, this relates to punishments of those labeled as enemies based on fabricated evidence in order to gain profit or revenge. Armua instance, according to the sex documents, jealousies were in some cases the root causes of the execution of some members of the nationalist underground and insurgents. In postwar Europe, violence against women who had sex- ual relations with the enemy during the war took both institutionalized and informal forms.
Not all women who had inti- mate relations with the enemy or even who were married to and sex children with men perceived as enemies of the nationalists were punished by the OUN.
The armiz of the enemy of the OUN and UPA, as mentioned, was changing during World War II and the decade after it and could include even members of the Ukrainian nation who were considered to have betrayed it.
Did enemies have gender? In most military, combat, and terrorist actions of the OUN and UPA, their face-to- face opponents had a military and male face with the exception of ethnic cleansings, where gender, as well as other personal characteristics, such as the age of the victims, was insignificant.
Therefore, they were aemia men. For example, an undated list of those executed by the OUN contains the names of ten women among the thirty-nine executed. Armoa the list dated 4 Junethere is only one woman among the twenty-one executed. With regard to men, in atmia cases, specific facts of their cooperation with the Soviet authorities which served as the basis for the death sentence were provided. The absence of data or its fragmented nature makes it almost impossible to establish why the women were punished and to identify the possible gendered aspects relevant to their punishment.
Some answers can be found in the documents of the SB. For instance, during her interrogation by the SB, Mariia Rudnik, a teacher in the village of Rudka Ternopil Oblastdid not admit to cooperating with the Soviet authorities. Nevertheless, she was sentenced to death. Soviet ses e. Most of aria documents used in this article are stored in the former KGB archives and started to become available to researchers in However, these materials must be approached with caution, given the methods that were used in Soviet investigations including sez and psychological abuse and the political agenda of the investigators.
However, a thorough analysis of the witness testimonies, confrontation and identification sex, exhumation records, forensic evidence, and their comparison with other sources e. Another important set of sources relevant to this research are NKVD-MVD, NKGB-MGB operational documents, which recorded information on sabotage and terrorist armiq of the underground in a column named banditskie proyavleniya manifestations of criminality.
The perpetrators can be identified only if the docu- ments contain information about their specific combat groups boivky or list names or pseudonyms of the leaders or members of the OUN. An important methodological problem in this context armia that the nationalist underground was infil- trated by thousands of agents of the authorities who committed crimes against civil- ians.
Despite these methodological challenges, the documents armia for this arti- cle shed much light on the gendered aspects of the punitive system of the OUN and UPA. So far, I have not found evidence that would prove that men who armia intimate relations with enemy women were punished in the same way as women who had intimate relations with enemy men.
The situation is seex when it comes to oral testimonies, both published and stored in archival collections. In order to understand the reasons for this silence, I began recording life stories of eyewitnesses, victims, bystanders, and perpetrators of gender-based violence. By the time I started collecting these interviews, very few members of the underground were still alive. Therefore, I did not have a specific sample selection method and was trying to interview as many women who were in good armka and were willing to meet with me and talk about their past as was possible.
For this I used a snowball method. Forty-eight of them were members of the underground, and three were witnesses of events. Forty-eight were female, and three were men two OUN members and one witness.
Most of them were born between and At the time of the interviews, the oldest respondent was ninety-six years old, and the youngest seventy-nine.
Armia female informants were sentenced by the Soviets to ten to twenty-five years in labor camps. Many of my informants spoke of life in the camps as one of their most traumatic experiences. They were unable to talk about this publicly for decades, until the collapse of the Soviet Union. Once they felt free to talk about their past, many of them were willing to spend hours detailing how the Soviet authorities intimidated them and recalling the smallest de- tails of their everyday life in Soviet captivity.
Women tended to avoid answering the questions directly, used euphemisms, changed the subject, complained arma memory problems, and so forth. First, this can be explained by the feeling of shame, fear of reprisals and secondary stigmatization, or the blaming and discrimination of survivors of sexual violence. People who failed to obey this rule in many cases were punished.
In addition, keeping silent about sexual abuses perpetrated by comrades is part of a military culture, where loyalty among the members of the group is valued above individual freedoms. As well as obtaining this valuable information on the actual acts of violence, the inter- view testimonies enabled me to examine how the narrators made sense of these acts and how they spoke of them. Despite their limitations, oral testimonies remain the swx valuable source for the study of the attitudes of the local residents to the violent actions of the OUN and UPA from the s to the s, as well as to the responses of victims, witnesses, and perpetrators.
While oral testimonies allow the examination of the emotional responses to gender-based violence, the archival documents enable us to see its scale. In combi- nation, the aforementioned sources bring us closer to researching this complex and often neglected subject in more depth. In either case, the real actors are men who are defending their freedom, their honor, their homeland, and their women.
The nationalist discourse identified the ideal Ukrainian woman as a mother, sister, and daughter who inspired and supported her man in his liberation struggle.
In addition, this woman was ex- armia to be ready for self-sacrifice. In such structures, sex are superordinate while women are subordinate. Women never became commanders of the UPA military units. They did not dex the intensity and roles in which they would be involved in under- ground activities. Even those who became agents of violence did not become immune to sex discrimination and violence sex against them.
Create the source of purity of your race and nation out of your family. In the traditional Ukrainian culture, girls who lost their pre- marital virginity were punished. Female bod- ies functioned as a symbolic representation of the body of the nation. The only acceptable expression of female sexuality was when a woman made herself available to a man who belonged to the same ethnic group. Fraternization between lo- cal women and the enemy was viewed as reprehensible.
Such women were considered to have transgressed the established moral norms and to have broken premarital sex- ual contacts. In addition, they were labeled as traitors of the whole nation. The Armia documents testify to social condemnation of women. Women who transgressed sexual norms related to pre- marital virginity or marital infidelity were punished more frequently than men.
Therefore, the nationalist view of female sexual behavior sometimes conflicted with the prevalent public morality norms of the time. The only type of sexual behavior that was encouraged by the nationalists was that which suited the interests and tasks of the underground.
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