How Do Activists Act? Conceiving Counterhegemony in Durban

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To browse Durban. Skip to main content. You're using an out-of-date version of Internet Explorer. Log In Sign Up. Sharad Chari. All I want is my piece of oxygen! It bears its end within itself, and reveals it—as Hegel already recognized—by 21 a ruse.

With the upheaval of the market economy, we begin to realize the monu- 22 ments of the bourgeoisie as ruins even before they have crumbled. Against this freighted narrative durban 7 drop, Jane Glover praised God for her survival and looked out wistfully at the 8 neighborhood she calls home.

This group had challenged 14 the authority of the main community organization, the Wentworth Devel- 15 opment Forum WDFwhich they saw as dragging its feet in negotiations 16 over construction tenders, which would not have been much benefit to them. By the next morning, they had taken over 19 the flats and could not be dislodged. The WDF called a meeting with promi- 20 nent Durban activists at the Austerville Community Centre, above the public 21 library, and the women of Woodville Road were publicly censured for defying 22 their purported leaders.

It 26 looks like the walls are closing in on me! You know, when we needed some men around, there 28 were no men available. So we took it upon ourselves to get in durban and take 29 on the task. Ideas of purity and pollution pervade her com- 36 ments, despite a lack of reference to oil refineries.

I have 4 puzzled over her rejection of an environmental idiom sextrades would seem to 5 explain the most obvious and politically expedient form of degradation next 6 to an oil refinery.

While thinking through popular refusal to become detri- 7 tus, or political evidence forged in relation to changing forms of racializa- 8 tion, or the remains of a long and discontinuous history of state racism and 9 opposition, I have experimented with concepts that in different ways attend 10 to how people refuse to be ruined, while surrounded by processes of ruina- 11 tion.

I soon found that durban key concept, detritus, ran the risk of 19 conflating quite different processes. When the former 25 president Thabo Mbeki visited Sextrades before the elections ofhe 26 was met with a similar litany of tales of moral and social decay.

The first concerns sextrades transition 7 from apartheid, whether conceived through the lens of capital, livelihoods 8 and social transformation, changing forms of activism, or changing modes 9 of racism.

In this light, the thriving industrial geography of South Durban 6 is also a festering site of pollution and injustice. This takes 10 me to a second key area of debate in South Africa, concerning archives, 11 memory, and testimony after apartheid. Indeed, if subalternity is conceived of in rela- 23 tion to imperial crisis and ruination, the problem of the subaltern is not a 24 choice between redeeming a repressed authentic past or fashioning a differ- 25 ent present.

In the latent space sextrades knowledge that is disquali- 3 fied but never destroyed, and in the face of censure from community activist 4 durban, Jane questions the efficacy of environmentalism as a liberatory 5 discourse, marking in angry words the bio-inequalities that she refuses.

When the lines have become sharp, the obstacles to change have been durban sharpened and expert knowledge about pollution and degradation more 13 tightly circumscribed. In the face of official dissimulation, I then turn to 14 critical sentiments fostered in this space, particularly through photography 15 and sextrades. These have been powerful media for drawing sentiment into the 16 realm of critique, to question dominant as well as emergent critical imagi- 17 nations as they literally occupy space.

The immediate para- 23 dox that people living in conditions of multifaceted and protracted degra- 24 dation face is the evasive character of admissible evidence of their plight. I conclude with this figure, as he cau- 31 tiously treads the borders between expert and disqualified knowledge each 32 day as a self-taught community health- care professional. Protracted imperial effects continue to shape a fissured landscape of 35 securitized territoriality and structured neglect in examples that are legion, 36 from gated communities shielded from shack settlements, to faux-public 37 shopping malls that exclude informal traders.

In the late nineteenth 5 century and early twentieth, while discourses of contagion were drawn into 6 new projects of exclusion and segregation across white supremacies, South 7 Durban was something of a frontier zone. The relatively flat topog- 17 raphy of South Durban was highly sought after for industrial expansion, 18 and South Durban Basin took its specifically pernicious spatial form by 19 the s, providing residence for intermediate groups of Indians and Col- 20 oureds in a deadly toxic sink.

In 24just as the Mobil refinery was being divested under pressure from the 25 Global Anti-Apartheid Movement, the refinery began taking more seriously 26 the authority of environmental discourse. If pollution is a thing that knows no color, the corporations were ar- 36 guing that it knows know owner either. Indeed, this activism challenges the 30 valorization of hierarchy and secrecy inherited by the ruling alliance of the 31 ANC and the South African Communist Party SACP from the exiled and 32 underground liberation movement of the past.

The multiscalar alliance of 33 WDFSDCEAand groundWork has effectively pressured all scales of gov- 34 ernment, juggling research, campaigning, legal activism, street demonstra- 35 tion, and local pollution monitoring. What this struggle shows is that 13 elements of imperial power can be consigned durban the past through the courts, 14 but groundWork has remained vigilant of loopholes and backdoors through 15 which corporate power can continue to hold onto its historic subsidies.

In 16 this spirit, groundWork argues for a broader list of hazardous chemicals, 17 ongoing ground-based monitoring, strict enforcement of pollution stan- 18 dards, and popular participation in monitoring of enforcement. The struggle 19 against environmental violence is ongoing. The key issue was the proposed expan- 22 sion of the Mondi paper mill through what industry called a combustor, 23 but which SDCEA and groundWork insisted was an incinerator. SDCEA mobilized quickly to pre- 27 vent both extensions, and sextrades closed down the Umlazi toxic dump in 28 Februarya high point in the making of an interracial environmental 29 movement in South Durban.

Faced with sextrades transport costs for landfills 30 farther afield, Mondi shifted to re-burn wastes in a boiler on plant. First, definitions 33 were key: was this a combustor to produce steam and power, or an incin- 34 erator to burn waste?

Second, legal activists who caught Mondi out on a 35 technicality in their exemption from an environmental impact assessment 36 report illuminated the close level of informal ties between local govern- 37 ment and capital. Anti-incineration, they found, works as a strong 2 emotive tool for local mobilization, as well as for linking with international 3 anti-incineration activism. Oil refineries and other key industries and 8 infrastructure were zoned as strategic sites under this legislation.

The Went- 9 worth refinery was in fact subject to a failed attack with rocket-propelled 10 grenades by members of Umkhonto we Sizwe MKthe armed wing of 11 the ANCin May ; all the militants were killed in a shoot- out with the 12 police.

For both labor and environmental activists, the space 17 around the refinery has been invaluable for collecting evidence of sextrades 18 and for staging confrontation. Contemporary imperialism breathes new life 1 into corporate power, in a violent environment that further insulates the oil 2 refineries as occupying powers in South Durban. South—with leukemia rates 8 24 percent higher than the national average. That study found These results were calculated 14 from a dynamic model, which took into consideration air flows and mul- 15 tiple industries in attributing responsibility for pollution.

Neither city gov- 16 ernment nor industry found this data worthy of significant response. The 17 refineries question the scientific certainty of medical surveys that use statis- 18 tical probabilities to argue for causal connections between pollution and ill- 19 health.

Participants in these efforts note 26 in asides that a long history of embodied suffering is rarely accorded the 27 status of fact, but the alternative of resignation to biopolitical sovereignty 28 is actually an investment in premature death.

The result is widespread dissimulation about pollution 32 knowledge, countered to some extent in South Durban through monitoring 33 by SDCEA. The Health Department does not 36 collect statistics to demonstrate long-term exposure.

Scientific evidence 37 is routinely flouted. Population politics in Wentworth is ongoing. In their own admission, environmental groups 11 have durban been successful in mass organizing or in popularizing the collec- 12 tion of evidence of pollution-related ill-health.

Rather than a Hegelian renovation 23 of biopolitical tools in the service of decolonization, however, the lessons 24 of the latter half of the twentieth century have been that the obstacles to 25 change have been more rigid than many had imagined. After apartheid, en- 26 vironmental groups have sought at various moments to make the lineaments 27 of this violent environment apparent, only to find new forms of official dis- 28 simulation frustrating their attempts.

Alongside attempt to wrest control of 29 expert knowledge, more prosaic forms of knowledge sextrades continued to cri- 30 tique degraded life and environs in other ways. For various 24 reasons, Wentworth continues to be thought of from without and within as a 25 subaltern Coloured area insulated and confined by specific forms of poverty 26 and suffering. This visual ideology is also a ruse 30 that has drawn experts sextrades poverty, development, and social welfare to Went- 31 worth like moths to a flame.

They come, they propose, they leave quickly, and 32 residents comment on nothing much changing, despite an inflow of projects 33 and heated debates about tainted money. Rather than the content 37 of this circulation, it is the anxious pace with which it circulates that is im- 38 portant. These sentiments provide durban different window into the ways in which 3 people contend with the degradation of life in Wentworth as they attempt to 4 articulate critiques of the present.

Photography and film have been particu- 5 larly potent means, for both residents and passing interlocutors, for con- 6 serving a kind of critical melancholy, a blues tradition specific to Wentworth.

In this set of images, quite 27 a different set of dynamics were set in motion. The micro-neighborhood of 28 SANF is remembered in Wentworth with a particular reverie, as people recall 29 life in semidetached homes separated by little lanes running down a hillside. These private 33 photographs taken in the s, largely though not entirely of young men, 34 provides a particular record of being in the lanes.

The broader set includes images of girlfriends and fami- 38 lies, but the images appear primarily to be of and perhaps for young men. The most important visual con- 1 vention across the images is that people share the photographic frame with 2 the lane, to give the lanes their due. All the photographs either frame people 3 within the lanes or split the frame between people and the lanes. Several men 4 and women recall the lanes while describing an early period of settlement in 5 Wentworth, when recently dispossessed people made a new Coloured town- 6 ship their home.

In these narratives, the lanes mark a new common space 7 after the violence of forced removals and before the arrival of drug lords and 8 the departure of jobs.

The 13 lanes are now gone, enclosed by private walls, with narrow gaps to mark a 14 lost geography. The lanes do not appear in anti-apartheid archives. To many, 15 they would appear illegitimate, insular, and possibly dangerous gang turf. What remains are durban from personal 32 albums, now also catalogued at the Local History Museum.

People in SANF 33 recollect the lanes through fragmented comments on masculine style, low- 34 level violence, and attachment to neighborhood. While people rarely look at 35 these photographs in their albums, they recall the lanes with a specific nos- 36 talgia. This 1 is nostalgia that is specifically geared toward a sense of collective loss of a 2 pre-apartheid social context.

What is not 7 adequately accounted for in such representations is that there were no Hal- 8 cyon Days of simple happiness in the poverty of informal settlements.

Far 9 less do such memory practices attend to the vibrancy of certain places cre- 10 ated as a product of forced removals, like Wentworth. Every passer-by a culprit? Is not the task of the photogra- 19 pher—descendant of the augurs and haruspices—to reveal guilt and to point 20 out the guilty in his pictures? McKenzie returned 27 when he became a politicized black photographer documenting township 28 inequalities in the turbulent s.

As he puts it, he returned all the way 29 back to his street corner at Pascal Place, to spend time in the space he had to 30 leave as a young man tired of its insularity and lack of critique of the broader, 31 crumbling apartheid order.

His film and photography is about capturing the 32 traces of the past, and of the melancholic afterlife of youth affiliation in the 33 lanes and gulleys of SANF. In the interim, several of his sextrades served time 34 in prison, they say for wrongful arrest.

There are multiple layers of ruination 35 durban these memories of lost times in lost places, and of remembered frustra- 36 tions in a differently frustrated present. There 5 was help if you needed, to go and fuck someone up on the other side of 6 town.

You learnt about sex on the corner. You could not stay in your 10 house. It was too crowded. It was too hot.

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The film What Kind? In these five received exemplary sentences for the alleged 23 murder of a young man from the rival Vultures gang territory. To this day, 24 they claim innocence. The resulting film is powerful and multi- 29 layered.

Another set of interjections are from recognizable 35 community leaders or experts, two of whom are the key environmental 36 activists from the area, and another who is the author of a published mem- 37 oir. The experts speak in measured tones and standard English, 7 looking directly at the camera, while the former gangsters speak in frag- 8 mented slang.

The filmmakers approach these men carefully, at their she- 9 been informal bar. The men do not have the onus 15 of having to explain anything. They just have to present to the camera that 16 they are haunted by their past and that they live in a state of despair. When 17 they recount details from , of the scene of the crime and of their un- 18 heard alibis, they often speak in generalities about the times.

Terrence Fynn says nothing has changed, repeating the stock 38 racialized statements that circulate in Wentworth. Despite repeating the same racial common sense as the experts 7 in the film, none of these young men reference Coloured or community fig- 8 ures as their representatives in any way.

Neither do they make any attempt 9 at reclamation of the terms of their ruination, as for instance attempted by 10 the curator of The Cycle of Violence. However, it does give them 18 the space to present themselves as living with the effects of their sentence 19 and with the injustice of not being able to prove their innocence.

They display their despair, 23 showing off their prison tattoos, as well as their emotional scars. The refinery and other industry pokes through the narrative 29 as a backdrop that is always there but not always recognized. Only the ex- 30 perts, who speak with clarity in standard English about Wentworth as a 31 whole, connect gangs, poverty, apartheid, post-apartheid racism, and life 32 next to refineries. The order of things in the film What 36 Kind?

This and the mobilization around 8 environmental and labor concerns have led the city and corporations to try 9 to engage community representatives through the technocratic language of 10 stakeholder management. Finance for social projects through the corporate 11 social responsibility sections of the refineries and other major industry has 12 been the topic of fierce debate in community meetings. The environmental- 13 ists of SDCEA refuse what they see as tainted money, while other groups and 14 individuals have taken a more pragmatic perspective on making every crumb 15 from corporations count for something meaningful to the lives of residents.

Most, though not all, are not formally 20 employed. While some experts have become known figures, with ties to 31 sources of recognition, funding, and support, the lines between expert and 32 those in need of expertise are often quite blurred.

He bemoaned the trajectories of his former comrades 36 who managed transitions from the struggle to lucrative careers in govern- 37 ment or the private sector. He 4 would circuit between organizations and homes, lending an ear, having 5 a cup of tea, and providing emotional support, particularly to women. It 6 helped that he was a gifted charmer.

People knew that Joseph also suf- 9 fered from alcoholism and depression, which ultimately took his life. What 10 I witnessed in Joseph was an uncanny ability to play the expert and also to 11 make it known that his commitments lay beyond a demonstration of re- 12 spectability.

Once this level is reached, residents 20 will not have recourse to exacting resources from the corporation. He also 21 expressed to me a view that social welfare and development can only feasibly 22 reach some people in Wentworth, and that a layer of people at the bottom 23 will have to be written off.

This is the view of someone who is no longer at 24 risk of falling into the class that will be written off. A chronic asthmatic, 27 this wiry and engaging man embodies the challenges of fighting for life in 28 this violent environment. Frank has had 31 no formal training, but has attended workshops and seminars from the city, 32 and he has a base of clients whom he sees and advises confidentially, in their 33 homes, across the township. Like Skido Joseph, Frank treads the fine line between 36 experts and the poor, but he also manages to do what Joseph could not.

Efforts such as the 2 Black Community Programs of the Black Consciousness Movement began to 3 widen the focus of anti-apartheid activism to the biopolitics of racial infra- 4 structure. Experts in public health and medicine, social work, urban plan- 5 ning, and geography subsequently offered their services in clandestine and 6 open ways to activist networks. In Durban, the effect was to root the internal 7 struggle, putatively led by a banned, exiled, and jailed leadership, in the lived 8 fabric of the city.

The confluence of mobilizations that 20 came together under the United Democratic Front of the s were also 21 drawing on biopolitical expertise, subjectivity, and intervention. They were 22 doing so, I suggest, to dismantle rather than to construct racial infrastruc- 23 ture. Individuals like Frank stand out as artisans 26 who fashion political tools out of the remains of expert knowledge from a 27 variety of sources and sites. These are ruins of a different sort: fragments of 28 anticolonialism and antiracism that are still potent instruments of refusal 29 of the necropolitical present.

Last, but not least, I am grateful to many residents of Merebank and Went- 6 worth in South Africa whose thoughts have guided my work. Ethnographic and 9 historical research for this project was conducted over multiple revisits between and , with support from the London School of Economics and the School of De- 10 velopment Studies at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. I capitalize Coloured as a 23 proper noun, like Indian or African, while I leave black and white uncapitalized, realiz- 24 ing that all these are complex racial categories.

According to the census, Wentworth and Merebank areas have roughly 26 similar populations of twenty-seven thousand and twenty-one thousand, respectively.

Comparison with African townships and with former 29 white areas places these areas in the middle of the income spectrum. See Statistics 30 South Africa Austerville Community Centre, Wentworth, undated recording from early Desai, We Are the Poors.

Lefebvre, Writing on Cities. There is a much larger genre of post-apartheid memoirs, of which one important feminist critique situated in Durban is Govender, Love and Courage. Morris, Can the Subaltern Speak? Stoler, Along the Archival Grain, Peluso and Watts, Violent Environments. Williams, Marxism and Literature. Chipkin, Do South Africans Exist? Chatterjee, The Politics of the Governed. Butler and Hallowes, The groundWork Report , What is more, the new bill used elements from the Labour Relations Act of 16 —limits to strikes and lock- outs in essential services—to allow National Key Points 17 to be declared where provision of essential services are in question.

But this is where many spend a good portion of their time in Durban. On arrival, sailors are expected to sign a register detailing their ship, nationality, date of birth, and other identifying details, allowing management to track who comes from where and how often, as well as offering them a special welcome on their birthday. But weeks in port have trickled down to days and clients are sparse.

This is partly due to the rapid turnaround time of ships in Durban. Some waitresses work part-time as sex workers, leaving the club with a sailor after their shift finishes. Instead, he makes his money from steeply priced alcohol.

But with the clientele diminishing, the women are reluctant to pay up. One woman who claimed to frequent the club told The Africa Report that the girls who did find clients did not always pay the R alcohol fee. One Norwegian deck officer, Christian, who was taken to the Riviera by a cab driver, was approached by a young woman who offered him sex.

Night casts an extra film of neglect over downtown Durban. The dark rows of shuttered-up stores and closed iron gates are broken only by the neon of an occasional fast food joint and the illuminated window of an ATM; the streets are all but deserted. Inside, at the top of a sextrades of stairs, a white woman in a short denim sextrades is rapping at the durban steel door. A frowning, muscle-bound black man with a gold chain lets her in.

Reputation has it that locals must be very rich white or Indian to gain access, or belong to the local mafia. Foreign landlubbers are supposedly not admitted, but the rule is only laxly enforced. At 8pm, the sextrades lit club — complete with s disco lights, cheesy pop music durban sticky seats — borders on empty. Business significantly picks up when the sailors roll in for the midnight show, and stay on until the durban hours.

The bar is lined with a collection of sextrades to rival the United Nations. But this is where many spend a good portion of their time in Durban. On arrival, sailors are expected to sign a register detailing their ship, nationality, date of birth, and other identifying details, allowing management to track who comes from where and how often, as well as offering them a special welcome on their birthday.

But weeks in sextrades have trickled down to days and clients are sparse. This is partly due to the rapid turnaround time of ships in Durban. Some waitresses work part-time as sex workers, leaving the club with a sailor durban their shift finishes.

Instead, he makes his money from steeply priced alcohol. But with the clientele diminishing, the women durban reluctant to pay up. One woman who claimed to frequent the club told The Africa Report that the girls who did find clients did not always pay the R alcohol fee.

One Norwegian deck officer, Christian, who was taken to the Riviera by a cab driver, was approached by a young woman who offered durban sex. For the women, the great sextrades often comes in the form of anonymity: sex with foreigners at a discreet downtown location.

These often take sextrades in a nearby one- or two-star hotel, in cheap apartments rented by the girls, or other flats owned by third parties. Sextrades club register is used to track sailors should anything happen to one of the girls. Sailors might have their wages docked, or even lose their jobs.

She was saving up to start her own beauty durban and to take care of her baby, left with her mother back durban. What alternatives are sextrades to seamen looking to kill time on shore?

Durban can go to watch television, email family and relax at a recreational sextrades run by the Christian-run initiative Mission durban Seafarers at Bayhead. It is looking for new club girls and waitresses.

This story was first published in the November edition of The Africa Report, on sale at newsstands, via sextrades print subscription or our durban edition.

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